The debate on whether insurers can be systemically important has taken a strange turn. After focusing on non-traditional and non-insurance activities at large international insurance groups, the scrutiny is now on whether or not to include reinsurance groups into the set of systemically important insurers. Lobbyists are rumored to have found the weakest link at the FSB (this time the USA) to stop reinsurers from being considered as systemically important. The arguments for this remain unclear. The main reinsurers are big, their clients depend on them, and if they have to liquidate their assets to afford a timely payout this would impact on the financial markets.

In the past, arguments appeared to focus on the expectation that the problems would be dampened by the structure of the insurance market. A regular insurer stands between them and policyholders, which would continue to be liable even if the reinsurer on which it relied fails. A traditional argument is also that reinsurance is more like traditional direct insurance instead of like non-traditional insurance activities such as derivatives investing. If such reasoning would be considered valid still, that would be shortsighted, but not unexpected. Reinsurers, insurers and the IAIS have a track record of downplaying potential contagion arising in the insurance sector, including in the reinsurance sector.

Reinsurers are not client-facing, that is true. And the policies they close are not structured as formal derivatives, but as insurance policies of a direct insurer against the materialization of a risk (in their case, that policyholders make claims at the direct insurer). If a reinsurer fails, the direct insurer is indeed left holding the bag. However, that direct insurer would have a huge gap in its capital and technical provisions. A reinsurance contract counts as risk mitigation for prudential supervision purposes at the direct insurer. If the reinsurer can pay out, it does indeed mitigate that risk by offering to pay all or part of the claim that arises from a policy written by a direct insurer (in exactly the way derivatives do if the triggering event occurs). The direct insurer subsequently does not need to hold financial buffers for potential claims that are no longer expected to land on its balance sheet as it is expected to be reimbursed in full by the reinsurer. For large reinsurers this (large) gap at the direct insurer it contracts with is multiplied across all the direct insurers it accepted premiums from. If one of them makes a disproportionally large claim, the reinsurer may no longer be able to honor its commitments to other direct insurers, making reinsurers the main potential channel for contagion in the insurance sector. As e.g. mortgage loans are built on required fire insurance and long-term pension payments from life insurance policies, this would impact on the banking sector too, providing another channel for systemic risks. Even if reinsurers can delay the pay-out by denying the validity of claims, that would just speed up the problems at the direct insurers and their clients, and would not dampen market expectations of asset sales by the reinsurer for an eventual pay-out.

The limited set of large reinsurers are thus a crucial underpinning of this sector of the financial market, similar to the role of central clearing parties (CCP) in securities trading, and ECB systems in Eurozone payment systems. The argument a non-client-facing entity is not systemic has been (and should be) eradicated from public policy thinking since the AIG London branch, LTCM and the Fannie Mae/Freddy Mac bail-outs. Even shareholders of large reinsurance companies like the subsidiaries of Berkshire Hathaway should actually see the benefit of better focus on and the acknowledgement of the importance of such key service providers. For one, it makes their investment in a reinsurance company less likely to suffer catastrophic damage. And if reinsurance would get a more explicit systemic role as a stimulated safety buffer for the wider insurance sector (like CCP’s and depositaries are for the securities markets), it would actually be a business opportunity. It would strengthen their hand against competitors from the hedge fund industry or (other) derivative writers. Even so, it would be more likely that shareholders and boards of reinsurance companies would actually admit that reinsurance is systemic, if the consequences of being deemed systemic were more focused on the business at hand. This is now not the case. The FSB and the committees that work for it (such as the IAIS) appear focused on just slapping an extra percentage on a yet to be developed solvency ratio for large worldwide operating insurers, in a move copied from the banking sector. The fact that it is not yet tested there as an effective tool to avoid or even mitigate a banking crisis does not seem to dampen regulatory ardor to roll it out to non-banks, but it may dampen the ardor of shareholders and boards to subject their reinsurance companies to it.

They have a point. To me it appears strange that the systemic surcharge on top of a debatable ratio calculation is now copied in other financial sectors as if it is a wonder formula. Especially if there is little or no experience with a solvency ratio in the insurance sector in the first place (where a first solvency ratio under the EU Solvency II directive is being rolled out only now). It is not guaranteed that a higher percentage for systemic insurers based on a totally new formula for calculating a ratio would withstand (fear of) the potential waves of destruction of a next crisis, nor that it would avoid the pitfall of being calibrated to the last crisis instead of to the next.

It may be better for the FSB and the (re)insurance industry instead to come up with a more measured response, focused on what is known to work in the specific financial sector at hand. For instance, CCP’s have a similar role in the securities sector both as a core service provider, risk mitigator for client facing securities firms, and – because they are trusted to handle this – risk aggregator as reinsurers have in the insurance sector. CCP’s developed homegrown techniques to be able to bear that risk, mainly by a system of collateral (margin), guarantee funds and novation and netting through which risk is minimized and spread. If reinsurers de facto are relied on in the insurance sector to play a risk-mitigating role and want to be trusted to be a risk aggregator, they should equally develop or expand risk-mitigating techniques. If reinsurers ask legislators to rely on the insurance they provide to direct insurers – which does appear to be part of their business model – they could embrace this role in a proactive manner by mitigating such aggregation/concentration risks. It should not be necessary to assume that each can withstand a multiple of risks arising at the same time, it should be certain. In other words: if reinsurers would like policyholders, direct insurers and supervisors to embrace a core role of reinsurers, it becomes more important that they are bankruptcy remote.

Learning from the CCP example and from what has worked well in the insurance sector, it might be good to take a second look at the benefits of solo supervision and the assets reserved for the calculated technical provisions (i.e. the calculated maximum potential pay-out under open policies). Instead of relying on untested new solvency ratios – even if they are calibrated to be higher for systemic entities – a better response to a systemic reality would be to rely on a combination of:

• more conservatively calculated technical provisions for the maximum potential pay-outs under the reinsurance contracts they have written;
• segregated assets for those;
• collateral rights held by the collective of (policy holding) direct insurers on those segregated assets;
• with a clear pay-out schedule that guarantees equal treatment of various current and future claims;
• and perhaps a mutual guarantee system if overwhelming claims arrive at a reinsurer.

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Also see:

• Buffett clout brought to bear in rules fight, FT 14 October 2015 (published under different title on ft.com on 13 October 2015).
• EU Banking Supervision, chapter 6.2, 6.5, 19.4 and 22.
• Are EU Banks Safe?, chapter 4.5.
• FSB, 2014 update of list of global systemically important insurers (G-SIIs), 6 November 2014.
• IAIS, Reinsurance and Financial Stability, 19 July 2012.

The VW manipulation of its emissions testing results provides lessons for banks, insurers and their supervisors. Testlab results bear no similarity to real life survival or failure is a simple one. Bad governance structures can lead to bad decisions (as highlighted by John Plender in the FT and supported by a wide range of examples such as the DSB Bank failure in the Netherlands). Another lesson is that the testlab/models that are the basis for calculating capital requirements are prone to pressure and manipulation.

There appear to have been two stages that shifted the results in response to high-level orders to pass environmental tests and improve sales. The first is the – as I understand – industry standard in the EU that emissions are only tested in laboratory conditions on vehicles that are specially selected and prepared for this testing by stripping off all inconvenient aspects (rear view mirrors, wipers, and anything that weighs anything in the car that is not needed to make it run, such as the standard airconditioning or audio equipment). For some this is the minor league of evasion or fraud as it ‘only’ changes the hardware, and anyone actually looking would notice. Even for this type of lab-adaptation there is little relation between the car in the lab and on the road, but some people would say it remains in the nudge and wink category of how smart it is to evade the vague requirements and the light touch oversight, and the general contours of the car tested remain the same. The second stage is now provoking more outrage, as the manipulation is not in the visible hardware, but in lines of code in the software. Any instrument that supposedly cleans up the emissions but was a drag on ease of handling on the road was automatically switched off by the design of the software, except when the exact conditions of the laboratory test were found.

Though it is unlikely that executives removed the hardware from the testlab-models or wrote the software that changed the car from fake circumstances to real life riding and back, it is likely that they created the incentives to do so by demanding relative growth as compared to competitors, in the cars case by simultaneously demanding low emissions during tests so that the cars could legally be sold, and high performance so that customers would actually want to buy them, and did not bother to sufficiently check whether the product sold fit the description on issues that customers did not bother to verify or sue on, and regulators did not bother to/were not able to check.

The calculation of capital requirements is open to similar pressures. It is abstract, only important if thousands of products fail to perform at the same time, only important in the long term, and customers do not like it while the bank or insurer is alive because it heightens their costs if the bank or insurer would take it seriously. The old standardised approach for capital requirements calculation was abandoned for complex institutions because the choices made in investments were optimized by these institutions to take the highest risk/reward road within each wide basket of types of assets, such as corporate bonds. This maximized returns while minimizing costly capital requirements. The newly invented ‘internal’ models that have been introduced for banks in the 2004 Basel II accord (in the EU implemented via the 2006 version of the CRD) and will be introduced for insurers in 2016 under Solvency II allow more leeway to reward the bank or insurer if they choose a less risky product to invest in, but does expect them to take better regard of the more risky products too. Some banks are indeed relatively conservative or are being forced to be relative conservative by their supervisors, and estimate the riskiness of the assets they hold higher than the models used by their competitors estimate the same or the same type of assets. Some banks, however, are removing the airconditioning and audio systems by abandoning newly capital-costly areas such as trade finance or investment banking, while plunging collectively into low capital-costly areas, or professing high confidence in their clients or risk management systems. The result is that banks’ internal models show wildly different results, which is an indicator that some may be too lightly capitalised for the risks they run in their entire business. An additional result is that worthy areas of services are no longer provided by banks, but are either not provided, or are now provided by less regulated service providers. It is likely that more conservatively calculating banks are under pressure to become more ‘capital efficient’ in order to retain profitability and competitiveness.

The temptation to adapt the outcomes of test-results is easy to understand. Lower capital requirements (emissions) lead to the potential for acquiring more assets (making more sales) that generate higher profits and higher status for the CEO. And a slight tweak in one area that makes the boss happy does not really impact a lot on the overall capital; except of course if this happens in all areas the bank or insurer is active in. These tweaks stimulate the financial company, their shareholders and the economy as long as the bank or insurer makes no losses yet. And the internal models used by complex banks do not show with a big blinking warning whether there is internal pressure to always lean in the same direction. Fundamental attitudes towards the need for buffers or the need for speed and profits are neither measured nor checked easily, especially if the number of experts is vastly larger on the bank’s side than on the supervisors’ side. But if the general attitude at a financial company is that it is acceptable to have slight manipulations, or just slightly reducing the riskiness of the asset just by removing the dragging mirrors from the test-lab model, this risks the continued survival of the firm once it comes out. Removing trade finance already does not make the bank safer. It just makes it less well capitalised, and diminishes the value of the bank to society similar to cars with high Nox emissions in real life. Especially harmful would be if it turns out that the models used by banks are deliberately built to optimise testlab results that bear no relation to known market and firm behaviour when risks materialise. Bankers/Insurers would, however, not be unique in such manipulation. The regulated bits of internal models and the standardised models are riddled with such deliberate misdesign by lawmakers, e.g. to underestimate the riskiness of SME-loans, or to hugely underestimate the riskiness of sovereign bonds. In the end, if banks add to this, and do not compensate for design-faults in the laws that rule the design of models to calculate capital by adding voluntary layers of safety themselves, it remains deceit towards clients, investors, and society as a whole.

Though supervisors are aware of the discrepancies, they have been kicking the can down the road for a while, and there are no signs yet of an official line. The amount of capital needed for the most derelict banks – and the financial stability consequences of exposing them – may pressure them into regulatory forbearance. Though this is both understandable and damnable at the same time, such regulatory forbearance does not impact on the own responsibility of bank and insurance boards on whose watch such collective leaning or manipulation takes place by underlings who aim to please their bosses by improved headline numbers.

Safety should not be tampered with, and will not be tampered with in the long run, as the sheltered executives of VW already found out.

Also see:

• Plender, John, Poor governance at VW should have been a warning to investors, FT 30 September 2015
• Noonan, Laura, ECB doubles the time needed to review banks’ risk models, FT 16 August 2015
• EBA reports of 22 July 2015 on eba.europa.eu
• BCBS, Regulatory Consistency Assessment Programme (RCAP) Analysis of Risk-Weighted Assets for Market Risk, January 2013 (rev February 2013)
• BCBS, Regulatory Consistency Assessment Programme (RCAP) Analysis of Risk-Weighted Assets for Credit Risk in the Banking Book, July 2013
• UK FSA, A Regulatory Response to the Global Banking Crisis; Discussion Paper 09/2, March 2009, page 71-73

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• EU Banking Supervision, chapter 6.3
• Are EU Banks Safe?, chapter 4.5